Dracula

Dracula

Cover of the first edition
Author	Bram Stoker
Language	English
Genre	Gothic Horror
Publisher	Archibald Constable and Company (UK)
Publication date	26 May 1897; 127 years ago (1897-05-26)
Publication place	United Kingdom
Pages	418
OCLC	1447002
Text	Dracula at Wikisource

Dracula is a 1897 Gothic horror novel by Irish author Bram Stoker. An epistolary novel, the narrative is related through letters, diary entries, and newspaper articles. It has no single protagonist and opens with solicitor Jonathan Harker taking a business trip to stay at the castle of a Transylvanian nobleman, Count Dracula. Harker escapes the castle after discovering that Dracula is a vampire, and the Count moves to England and plagues the seaside town of Whitby. A small group, led by Abraham Van Helsing, investigate and hunt the vampire.

Dracula was mostly written in the 1890s. Stoker produced over a hundred pages of notes for the novel, drawing extensively from Transylvanian folklore and history. Some scholars have suggested that the character of Dracula was inspired by historical figures like the Wallachian prince Vlad the Impaler or the Countess Elizabeth Báthory, but there is widespread disagreement. Stoker's notes mention neither figure. He found the name Dracula in Whitby's public library while on holiday, thinking it meant "devil" in Romanian.

Following publication on 26 May 1897, Dracula was received as very frightening by positive and negative reviewers. Comparisons were made to other Gothic fiction, with many noting its structural similarity to Wilkie Collins' The Woman in White (1859). In the 20th century, Dracula became regarded as a seminal piece of Gothic fiction. Scholars explore the novel within the historical context of the Victorian era and discuss its portrayal of gender, sexuality, religion, and race.

Dracula is one of the most famous pieces of English literature. The book's characters have entered popular culture as archetypal versions of their characters: Count Dracula as the quintessential vampire, and Van Helsing as the most iconic vampire hunter. The novel, which is in the public domain, has been adapted for film over 30 times, and its characters have made numerous appearances in virtually all forms of media.

Jonathan Harker, a newly qualified English solicitor, visits Count Dracula at his castle in the Carpathian Mountains to help the Count purchase a house near London. Ignoring the Count's warning, Harker wanders the castle at night and encounters three vampire women; Dracula rescues Harker, and gives the women a small child bound inside a bag. Harker awakens in bed; soon after, Dracula leaves the castle, abandoning him to the women. Harker escapes and ends up delirious in a Budapest hospital. Dracula takes a ship called the Demeter for England with boxes of earth from his castle. The captain's log narrates the crew's disappearance until he alone remains, bound to the helm to maintain course. An animal resembling a large dog is seen leaping ashore when the ship runs aground at Whitby.

Lucy Westenra's letter to her best friend, Harker's fiancée Mina Murray, describes her marriage proposals from Dr. John Seward, Quincey Morris, and Arthur Holmwood. Lucy accepts Holmwood's, but all remain friends. Mina joins Lucy on holiday in Whitby. Lucy begins sleepwalking. After his ship lands there, Dracula stalks Lucy. Mina receives a letter about her missing fiancé's illness, and goes to Budapest to nurse him. Lucy becomes very ill. Seward's old teacher, Professor Abraham Van Helsing, determines the nature of Lucy's condition, but refuses to disclose it. He diagnoses her with acute blood-loss. Van Helsing places garlic flowers around her room and makes her a necklace of them. Lucy's mother removes the garlic flowers, not knowing they repel vampires. While Seward and Van Helsing are absent, Lucy and her mother are terrified by a wolf and Mrs. Westenra dies of a heart attack; Lucy dies shortly thereafter. After her burial, newspapers report children being stalked in the night by a "bloofer lady" (beautiful lady), and Van Helsing deduces it is Lucy. The four go to her tomb and see that she is a vampire. They stake her heart, behead her, and fill her mouth with garlic. Jonathan Harker and his now-wife Mina have returned, and they join the campaign against Dracula.

Everyone stays at Dr. Seward's asylum as the men begin to hunt Dracula. Van Helsing finally reveals that vampires can only rest on earth from their homeland. Dracula communicates with Seward's patient, Renfield, an insane man who eats vermin to absorb their life force. After Dracula learns of the group's plot against him, he uses Renfield to enter the asylum. He secretly attacks Mina three times, drinking her blood each time and forcing Mina to drink his blood on the final visit. She is cursed to become a vampire after her death unless Dracula is killed. As the men find Dracula's properties, they discover many earth boxes within. The vampire hunters open each of the boxes and seal wafers of sacramental bread inside them, rendering them useless to Dracula. They attempt to trap the Count in his Piccadilly house, but he escapes. They learn that Dracula is fleeing to his castle in Transylvania with his last box. Mina has a faint psychic connection to Dracula, which Van Helsing exploits via hypnosis to track Dracula's movements. Guided by Mina, they pursue him.

In Galatz, Romania, the hunters split up. Van Helsing and Mina go to Dracula's castle, where the professor destroys the vampire women. Jonathan Harker and Arthur Holmwood follow Dracula's boat on the river, while Quincey Morris and John Seward parallel them on land. After Dracula's box is finally loaded onto a wagon by Romani men, the hunters converge and attack it. After routing the Romani, Harker decapitates Dracula as Quincey stabs him in the heart. Dracula crumbles to dust, freeing Mina from her vampiric curse. Quincey is mortally wounded in the fight against the Romani. He dies from his wounds, at peace with the knowledge that Mina is saved. A note by Jonathan Harker seven years later states that the Harkers have a son, named Quincey.

As the acting manager of the Lyceum Theatre in London, Bram Stoker was a recognisable figure: he would greet evening guests, and served as assistant to the stage actor Henry Irving. In a letter to Walt Whitman, Stoker described his own temperament as "secretive to the world", but he nonetheless led a relatively public life.^[1] Stoker supplemented his income from the theatre by writing romance and sensation novels,^[2][3][a] and had published 18 books by his death in 1912.^[5] Dracula was Stoker's seventh published book, following The Shoulder of Shasta (1895) and preceding Miss Betty (1898).^[6][b] Hall Caine, a close friend of Stoker's, wrote an obituary for him in The Daily Telegraph, saying that—besides his biography on Irving—Stoker wrote only "to sell" and "had no higher aims".^[8]

Many figures have been suggested as inspirations for Count Dracula, but there is no consensus. In his 1962 biography of Stoker, Harry Ludlam suggested that Ármin Vámbéry, a professor at the University of Budapest, supplied Stoker with information about Vlad Drăculea, commonly known as Vlad the Impaler.^[9] Professors Raymond T. McNally and Radu Florescu popularised the idea in their 1972 book, In Search of Dracula.^[10] Benjamin H. LeBlanc writes that there is a reference within the text to Vámbéry, an "Arminius, of Buda-Pesh University", who is familiar with the historical Vlad III and is a friend of Abraham Van Helsing,^[11] but an investigation by McNally and Florescu found nothing about "Vlad, Dracula, or vampires" within Vámbéry's published papers,^[12] nor in Stoker's notes about his meeting with Vámbéry.^[11] Academic and Dracula scholar Elizabeth Miller calls the link to Vlad III "tenuous", indicating that Stoker incorporated a large amount of "insignificant detail" from his research, and rhetorically asking why he would omit Vlad III's infamous cruelty.^[13][c]

Raymond McNally's Dracula Was A Woman (1983) suggests another historical figure as an inspiration: Elizabeth Báthory.^[16] McNally argues that the imagery of Dracula has analogues in Báthory's described crimes, such as the use of a cage resembling an iron maiden.^[17] Gothic critic and lecturer Marie Mulvey-Roberts writes that vampires were traditionally depicted as "mouldering revenants, who dragged themselves around graveyards", but—like Báthory—Dracula uses blood to restore his youth.^[18] Recent scholarship has questioned whether Báthory's crimes were exaggerated by her political opponents,^[19] with others noting that very little is concretely known about her life.^[20] A book that Stoker used for research, The Book of Were-Wolves, does have some information on Báthory, but Miller writes that he never took notes on anything from the short section devoted to her.^[21] In a facsimile edition of Bram Stoker's original notes for the book, Miller and her co-author Robert Eighteen-Bisang say in a footnote that there is no evidence she inspired Stoker.^[22] In 2000, Miller's book-length study, Dracula: Sense and Nonsense, was said by academic Noel Chevalier to correct "not only leading Dracula scholars, but non-specialists and popular film and television documentaries".^[23][d]

Aside from the historical, Count Dracula also has literary progenitors. Academic Elizabeth Signorotti argues that Dracula is a response to the lesbian vampire of Sheridan Le Fanu's Carmilla (1872), "correcting" its emphasis on female desire.^[25] Bram Stoker's great-nephew, broadcaster Daniel Farson, wrote a biography of the author; in it, he doubts that Stoker was aware of the lesbian elements of Carmilla, but nonetheless notes that it influenced him profoundly.^[26][e] Farson writes that an inscription upon a tomb in Dracula is a direct allusion to Carmilla.^[28] Scholar Alison Milbank observes that as Dracula can transform into a dog, Carmilla can become a cat.^[29] According to author Patrick McGrath, "traces of Carmilla" can be found in the three female vampires residing in Dracula's castle.^[30] A short story written by Stoker and published after his death, "Dracula's Guest", has been seen as evidence of Carmilla's influence.^[31] According to Milbank, the story was a deleted first chapter from early in the original manuscript, and replicates Carmilla's setting of Styria instead of Transylvania.^[32]

Prior to writing the novel, Stoker researched extensively, assembling over 100 pages of notes, including chapter summaries and plot outlines.^[33] The notes were sold by Bram Stoker's widow, Florence, in 1913, to a New York book dealer for £2. 2s, (equivalent to UK£208 in 2019). Following that, the notes became the property of Charles Scribner's Sons, and then disappeared until they were bought by the Rosenbach Museum and Library in Philadelphia in 1970.^[34] H. P. Lovecraft wrote that he knew "an old lady" who was approached to revise the original manuscript, but that Stoker found her too expensive.^[35] Stoker's first biographer, Harry Ludlam, wrote in 1962 that writing commenced on Dracula around 1895 or 1896.^[36] Following the rediscovery of Stoker's notes in 1972 by Raymond T. McNally and Radu Florescu,^[37] the two dated the writing of Dracula to between 1895 and 1897.^[38] Later scholarship has questioned these sets of dates. In the first extensive study of the notes,^[39] Joseph S. Bierman writes that the earliest date within them is 8 March 1890, for an outline of a chapter that "differs from the final version in only a few details".^[40] According to Bierman, Stoker always intended to write an epistolary novel, but originally set it in Styria instead of Transylvania; this iteration did not explicitly use the word vampire.^[40]

Harry Ludlam, Bram's first biographer, wrote that the book came to life in August 1895 on the author's third visit to Cruden Bay in Scotland. ‘And here one day, to the sound of the sea on the Scottish shore, Count Dracula made his entry.’^[41] The Stoker stayed in the Kilmarnock Arms Hotel, signing the guest book, which still survives. ^[42]

Stoker's notes illuminate much about earlier iterations of the novel. For instance, they indicate that the novel's vampire was intended to be a Count, even before he was given the name Dracula.^[43] Stoker likely found the name Dracula in Whitby's public library while holidaying there with his wife and son in 1880.^[39] On the name, Stoker wrote: "Dracula means devil. Wallachians were accustomed to give it as a surname to any person who rendered himself conspicuous by courage, cruel actions or cunning".^[44] Stoker's initial plans for Dracula markedly differ from the final novel. Had Stoker completed his original plans, a German professor called Max Windshoeffel "would have confronted Count Wampyr from Styria", and one of the Crew of Light would have been slain by a werewolf.^[45][f] Stoker's earliest notes indicate that Dracula might have originally been intended to be a detective story, with a detective called Cotford and a psychical investigator called Singleton.^[47]

Dracula was published in London in May 1897 by Archibald Constable and Company. It cost 6 shillings, and was bound in yellow cloth and titled in red letters.^[48] In 2002, Barbara Belford, a biographer, wrote that the novel looked "shabby", perhaps because the title had been changed at a late stage.^[49] Although contracts were typically signed at least 6 months ahead of publication, Dracula's was unusually signed only 6 days prior to publication. For the first thousand sales of the novel, Stoker earned no royalties.^[3] Following serialisation by American newspapers, Doubleday & McClure published an American edition in 1899.^[49] In the 1930s when Universal Studios purchased the rights to make a film version, it was discovered that Stoker had not fully complied with US copyright law, placing the novel into the public domain.^[50] The novelist was required to purchase the copyright and register two copies, but he registered only one.^[49] Stoker's mother, Charlotte Stoker, enthused about the novel to Stoker, predicting it would bring him immense financial success. She was wrong; the novel, although reviewed well, did not make Stoker much money and did not cement his critical legacy until after his death.^[51] Since its publication, Dracula has never been out of print.^[52]

In 1901, Valdimar Ásmundsson translated the novel into Icelandic under the title Makt Myrkranna ("Powers of Darkness"); Stoker provided a preface in which he said the novel was a true story, but with the names of people and places changed "for obvious reasons".^[53] Scholars had been aware of the translation's existence since the 1980s because of Stoker's preface, but none had translated it back into English. Makt Myrkranna differs significantly from Stoker's novel: character names were changed, the length was abridged, and it was more overtly sexual. Dutch scholar Hans Corneel de Roos compared the translation favourably to Stoker's, describing it as concise and punchy compared to Stoker's original.^[54]

Sexuality and seduction are two of the novel's most frequently discussed themes, especially as it relates to the corruption of English womanhood.^[55][56] Sexually charged analyses of Dracula are so frequent that a cottage industry has developed around the topic.^[57] Modern critical writings about vampirism widely acknowledge its link to sex and sexuality.^[58] Some critics have highlighted homoerotic letters he wrote to American poet Walt Whitman and contemporary rumours of a sexless marriage.^[59][60] David J. Skal acknowledged the letters' subtext and cautioned against applying anachronistic modern sexual labels to Stoker.^[61] He was close friends with Oscar Wilde and began writing the novel one month following Wilde's imprisonment for homosexuality.^[62]

The novel's characters are often said to represent transgressive sexuality. Christopher Craft argues that primary threat posed by Count Dracula is that he will "seduce, penetrate, [and] drain another male".^[63] Harker's excitement about being penetrated by the vampire women inverts Victorian gender roles: by succumbing, Harker assumes the feminine role of sexual passivity while the vampires assume the masculinised role of acting.^[64] His excitement has been read as a proxy for homosexual desire.^[63][g]

Critics discuss the novel in relation to the the New Woman phenomenon—a 19th-century term describing an emerging class of intellectual women with social and economic control over their lives.^[66] Literary critic Elaine Showalter suggests that Lucy and Mina represent different sides of the New Woman. Lucy may represent the New Woman's "sexual daring", as she wonders why a woman cannot marry three men who all desire her,^[67] while Mina represents the New Woman's intellect, citing her occupation as a schoolmaster and her knowledge of shorthand.^[67] American professor Carol Senf regards Stoker as ambivalent towards the New Woman phenomenon: of the novel's five vampires, four are "wildly erotic" women driven solely by blood thirst. Senf expands that Mina is the antithesis of the other female characters, playing a singularly important role in Dracula's defeat.^[31] Several critics describe the battle against Dracula as a fight for control over women's bodies.^[68][56] Senf writes that Lucy's sexual awakening, and thus the subsequent reversal of her sexual role, is what Abraham Van Helsing actually considers a threat.^[69]

Dracula, and specifically the Count's migration to Victorian England, is frequently read as emblematic of invasion literature,^[70] and a projection of fears about racial pollution.^[71] Stephen Arata describes the novel's cultural context of mounting anxiety in Britain over the decline of the British Empire, the rise of other world powers, and a "growing domestic unease" over the morality of imperial colonisation.^[72] Arata regards the novel as an instance of "reverse colonisation": fear of other races invading England and weakening its racial purity.^[73] Patricia McKee writes that Dracula represents a negation of white culture while Mina Harper represents "pure whiteness".^[74] Dracula can be said to both kill white bodies and turn them into the racial Other in death.^[75] Some critics connect the racialisation of Dracula to his depiction as a degenerate criminal.^[76][77]

Critics frequently identify antisemitic themes and imagery in the novel. Between 1891 and 1900, the number of Jews living in England increased sixfold, mainly due to antisemitic legislation and pogroms in eastern Europe.^[78] Examples cited by Jack Halberstam of antisemitic connections include Dracula's appearance, wealth, parasitic bloodlust, and "lack of allegiance" to one country.^[79][h] Dracula's appearance may resembles some other cultural depictions of Jews, such as Fagin in Charles Dickens's Oliver Twist (1838), and Svengali of George du Maurier's Trilby (1895).^[81] Jewish people were frequently described as parasites in Victorian literature; Halberstam highlights fears that Jews would spread diseases of the blood, and one journalist's description of Jews as "Yiddish bloodsuckers".^[82] Daniel Renshaw writes that Dracula is not himself Jewish and that the novel represents a general suspicion of all foreigners. He argues that any antisemitism is "semi-subliminal" and mainly reflects the 19th-century antisemitic conception of Jewish people.^[83]

The novel's depiction of Slovaks and Romani people has attracted limited scholarly attention.^[84] In the novel, Harker describes the Slovaks as "barbarians" and their boats as "primitive", reflecting his imperialistic condescension towards other cultures.^[85] Peter Arnds writes that the Count's control over the Romani and his abduction of young children evoke folk superstitions about Romani people stealing children, and that his ability to transform into a wolf is related to xenophobic beliefs about the Romani as animalistic.^[86] Croley argues that Dracula's association with the Romani made him suspect in the eyes of Victorian England where they were stigmatised for eating "unclean meat" and living among animals.^[87]

Dracula is saturated with religious imagery. Christopher Herbert regards the novel as a parable about conflict with an enemy who opposes Christ and Christianity.^[88] Scholars discuss the novel's depiction of religion in relation to late Victorian anxieties about the threat posed by secularism, scientific rationalism, and the occult, to Christian beliefs and morality.^[89] The novel's vampire hunters use many weapons—including Christian practices and symbols (prayer, crucifixes and consecrated hosts), folkloric practices (garlic, staking and decapitation) and contemporary technology (typewriters, phonographs, telegrams, blood transfusions and Winchester rifles)—in their battle against Dracula.^[90][91] Sanders argues that Stoker presents Christianity as a religion that can be instrumentalised and incorporated into scientific knowledge.^[92] Herbert, in contrast, sees an affinity between the "holy purity" of Van Helsing and the diabolical fanaticism of Dracula, concluding that it presents Christianity as a means towards the "eradication of deviancy".^[93]

The novel's representation of vampirism has been proposed to symbolise Victorian anxieties about disease. Martin Willis argues that vampirism represents both an initial infection and resulting illness.^[94] Mathias Clasen draws parallels between vampirism and sexually transmitted diseases, specifically syphilis.^[95] Stoker's grand-newphew noted that there is some evidence Stoker died from syphilis, and that the disease's slow progression means he could have contracted it prior to writing Dracula.^[96] Brian Aldiss writes that Count Dracula represents the disease itself, while other characters represent particular aspects of it, such as Renfield's madness resembling the effects of tertiary syphilis.^[97]

As an epistolary novel, Dracula is narrated through a series of documents.^[98] The novel's first four chapters are related as the journals of Jonathan Harker. Scholar David Seed notes that Harker's accounts function as an attempt to translocate the "strange" events of his visit to Dracula's castle into the nineteenth-century tradition of travelogue writing.^[99] For Harker's description of the Slovaks, Stoker drew heavily from a travel memoir by a British major.^[85] John Seward, Mina Murray and Jonathan Harker all keep a crystalline account of the period as an act of self-preservation; David Seed notes that Harker's narrative is written in shorthand to remain inscrutable to the Count, protecting his own identity, which Dracula threatens to destroy.^[100][101] Harker's journal, for example, embodies the only advantage during his stay at Dracula's castle: that he knows more than the Count thinks he does.^[102] The novel's disparate accounts approach a kind of narrative unity as the narrative unfolds. In the novel's first half, each narrator has a strongly characterised narrative voice, with Lucy's showing her verbosity, Seward's businesslike formality, and Harker's excessive politeness.^[103] These narrative styles also highlight the power struggle between vampire and his hunters; the increasing prominence of Van Helsing's broken English as Dracula gathers power represents the entrance of the foreigner into Victorian society.^[101]

Dracula is a common reference text in discussions of Gothic fiction. Jerrold E. Hogle notes Gothic fiction's tendency to blur boundaries, pointing to sexual orientation, race, class, and even species. Relating this to Dracula, he highlights that the Count "can disgorge blood from his breasts" in addition to his teeth; that he is attracted to both Jonathan Harker and Mina Murray; appears both racially western and eastern; and how he is an aristocrat able to mingle with homeless vagrants.^[104] Stoker drew extensively from folklore in crafting Count Dracula, but many of the Count's physical attributes were typical of Gothic villains during Stoker's lifetime. In particular, his hooked nose, pale complexion, large moustache and thick eyebrows were likely inspired by the villains of Gothic fiction.^[105] Likewise, Stoker's selection of Transylvania has roots in the Gothic. Writers of the mode were drawn to Eastern Europe as a setting because travelogues presented it as a land of primitive superstitions.^[106] Dracula deviates from Gothic tales before it by firmly establishing its time—that being the modern era.^[107] The novel is an example of the Urban Gothic subgenre.^[108]

Dracula became the subject of critical interest into Irish fiction during the early 1990s.^[109] Dracula is set largely in England, but Stoker was born in Ireland, which was at that time part of the British Empire, and lived there for the first 30 years of his life.^[110] As a result, a significant body of writing exists on Dracula, Ireland, England, and colonialism. Calvin W. Keogh writes that Harker's voyage into Eastern Europe "bears comparison with the Celtic fringe to the west", highlighting them both as "othered" spaces. Keogh notes that the Eastern Question has been both symbolically and historically associated with the Irish question. In this reading, Transylvania functions as a stand-in for Ireland.^[111] Several critics have described Count Dracula as an Anglo-Irish landlord,^[112] or discussed Dracula in relation to the Irish folkloric revenant Abhartach.^[113][114]

Upon publication, Dracula was well received. Reviewers frequently compared the novel to other Gothic writers, and mentions of novelist Wilkie Collins and The Woman in White (1859) were especially common because of similarities in structure and style.^[116][i] A review appearing in The Bookseller notes that the novel could almost have been written by Collins,^[118] and an anonymous review in Saturday Review of Politics, Literature, Science and Art wrote that Dracula improved upon the style of Gothic pioneer Ann Radcliffe.^[119] Another anonymous writer described Stoker as "the Edgar Allan Poe of the nineties".^[120] Other favourable comparisons to other Gothic novelists include the Brontë sisters and Mary Shelley.^[121][48]

Many of these early reviews were charmed by Stoker's unique treatment of the vampire myth. One called it the best vampire story ever written. The Daily Telegraph's reviewer noted that while earlier Gothic works, like The Castle of Otranto, had kept the supernatural far away from the novelists' home countries, Dracula's horrors occurred both in foreign lands—in the far-away Carpathian Mountains—and at home, in Whitby and Hampstead Heath.^[122] An Australian paper, The Advertiser, regarded the novel as simultaneously sensational and domestic.^[123] One reviewer praised the "considerable power" of Stoker's prose and describing it as impressionistic. They were less fond of the parts set in England, finding the vampire suited better to tales set far away from home.^[124] The British magazine Vanity Fair noted that the novel was, at times, unintentionally funny, pointing to Dracula's disdain for garlic.^[125]

Dracula was widely considered to be frightening. A review appearing in The Manchester Guardian in 1897 praised its capacity to entertain, but concluded that Stoker erred in including so much horror.^[126] Likewise, Vanity Fair opined that the novel was "praiseworthy" and absorbing, but could not recommend it to those who were not "strong".^[125] Stoker's prose was commended as effective in sustaining the novel's horror by many publications.^[127] A reviewer for the San Francisco Wave called the novel a "literary failure"; they elaborated that coupling vampires with frightening imagery, such as insane asylums and "unnatural appetites", made the horror too overt, and that other works in the genre, such as The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, had more restraint.^[128]

Modern critics frequently write that Dracula had a mixed critical reception upon publication.^[129] Carol Margaret Davison, for example, notes an "uneven" response from critics contemporary to Stoker.^[48] John Edgar Browning, a scholar whose research focuses on Dracula and literary vampires, conducted a review of the novel's early criticism in 2012 and determined that Dracula had been "a critically acclaimed novel".^[130] Browning writes that the misconception of Dracula's mixed reception stems from a low sample size.^[131] Of 91 contemporary reviews, Browning identified 10 as "generally positive"; 4 as "mixed" in their assessment; 3 as "wholly or mostly negative"; and the rest as positive and possessing no negative reservations. Among the positive reviews, Browning writes that 36 were unreserved in their praise, including publications like The Daily Mail, The Daily Telegraph, and Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper.^[132] Other critical works have rejected the narrative of Dracula's mixed response. Raymond T. McNally and Radu Florescu's In Search of Dracula mentions the novel's "immediate success".^[133][j] Other works about Dracula, coincidentally also published in 1972, concur; Gabriel Ronay says the novel was "recognised by fans and critics alike as a horror writer's stroke of genius",^[134] and Anthony Masters mentions the novel's "enormous popular appeal".^[135] Since the 1970s, Dracula has been the subject of significant academic interest, evidenced by its own peer-reviewed journal and the numerous books and articles discussing the novel.^[24]

The story of Dracula has been the basis for numerous films and plays. Stoker himself wrote the first theatrical adaptation, which was presented at the Lyceum Theatre on 18 May 1897 under the title Dracula, or The Undead shortly before the novel's publication and performed only once, in order to establish his own copyright for such adaptations.^[k] Although the manuscript was believed lost,^[137] the British Library possesses a copy. It consists of extracts from the novel's galley proof with Stoker's own handwriting providing direction and dialogue attribution.^[136]

The first film to feature Count Dracula was Károly Lajthay's Drakula halála (transl. The Death of Dracula), a Hungarian silent film which allegedly premiered in 1921, though this release date has been questioned by some scholars.^[138] Very little of the film has survived, and David J. Skal notes that the cover artist for the 1926 Hungarian edition of the novel was more influenced by the second adaptation of Dracula, F. W. Murnau's Nosferatu.^[139] Critic Wayne E. Hensley writes that the narrative of Nosferatu differs significantly from the novel, but that characters have clear counterparts.^[140] Bram Stoker's widow, Florence, initiated legal action against the studio behind Nosferatu, Prana. The legal case lasted two or three years,^[l] and in May 1924, Prana agreed to destroy all copies of the film.^[142][m]

Visual representations of the Count have changed significantly over time. Early treatments of Dracula's appearance were established by theatrical productions in London and New York. Later prominent portrayals of the character by Béla Lugosi (in a 1931 adaptation) and Christopher Lee (firstly in the 1958 film and later its sequels) built upon earlier versions. Chiefly, Dracula's early visual style involved a black-red colour scheme and slicked back hair.^[143] Lee's portrayal was overtly sexual, and also popularised fangs on screen.^[144] Gary Oldman's portrayal in Bram Stoker's Dracula (1992), directed by Francis Ford Coppola and costumed by Eiko Ishioka,^[145] established a new default look for the character—a Romanian accent and long hair.^[143] The assortment of adaptations feature many different dispositions and characteristics of the Count.^[146]

Dracula has been adapted a large number of times across virtually all forms of media. John Edgar Browning and Caroline Joan S. Picart write that the novel and its characters have been adapted for film, television, video games and animation over 700 times, with nearly 1000 additional appearances in comic books and on the stage.^[143] Roberto Fernández Retamar deemed Count Dracula—along with characters such as Frankenstein's monster, Mickey Mouse and Superman—to be a part of the "hegemonic Anglo-Saxon world['s] cinematic fodder".^[147] Across the world, completed new adaptations can be produced as often as every week.^[148]

Dracula is one of the most famous and influential pieces of English literature.^[149] It was not the first novel to depict vampires,^[150] but dominates both popular and scholarly treatments of vampire fiction.^[52] Count Dracula is the first character to come to mind when people discuss vampires.^[151] Dracula succeeded by drawing together folklore, legend, vampire fiction and the conventions of the Gothic novel.^[150] Wendy Doniger described the novel as vampire literature's "centrepiece, rendering all other vampires BS or AS".^[152][n] It profoundly shaped the popular understanding of how vampires function, including their strengths, weaknesses, and other characteristics.^[153] Bats had been associated with vampires before Dracula as a result of the vampire bat's existence—for example, Varney the Vampire (1847) included an image of a bat on its cover illustration. But Stoker deepened the association by making Dracula able to transform into one. That was, in turn, quickly taken up by film studios looking for opportunities to use special effects.^[154] Patrick McGrath notes that many of the Count's characteristics have been adopted by artists succeeding Stoker in depicting vampires, turning those fixtures into clichés. Aside from the Count's ability to transform, McGrath specifically highlights his hatred of garlic, sunlight, and crucifixes.^[155] William Hughes writes critically of the Count's cultural omnipresence, noting that the character of Dracula has "seriously inhibited" discussions of the undead in Gothic fiction.^[156]

Adaptations of the novel and its characters have contributed to its enduring popularity. Even within academic discussions, the boundaries between Stoker's novel and the character's adaptation across a range of media have effectively been blurred.^[157] Stoker's failure to comply with United States copyright law may have contributed to its enduring status because writers and producers did not need to pay a licence fee to use the character.^[158]

• Dracula at Standard Ebooks
• Dracula at Project Gutenberg, text version of 1897 edition.
• Dracula public domain audiobook at LibriVox
• Journal of Dracula Studies