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Santa language

Santa
Dongxiang
Dunxian kielen[citation needed]
Native toChina
RegionGansu (mainly Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture) and Xinjiang (Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture)[1]
Native speakers
200,000 (2007)[2]
Mongolic
Arabic, Latin
Language codes
ISO 639-3sce
Glottologdong1285
ELPDongxiang
Santa is classified as Vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger

The Santa language, also known as Dongxiang (simplified Chinese: 东乡语; traditional Chinese: 東鄉語; pinyin: Dōngxiāngyǔ), is a Mongolic language spoken by the Dongxiang people in Northwest China.

Dialects

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There are no dialects in strict sense,[clarification needed] but three local varieties (tuyu) can be found: Suonanba (ca. 50% of all Dongxiang speakers), Wangjiaji (ca. 30% of all Dongxiang speakers) and Sijiaji (ca. 20% of all Dongxiang speakers).

Phonology

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Compared to other Mongolic languages, there is no vowel harmony, except for a handful of suffixes. However, the rules governing this phenomenon are by far not as strict as those of Mongolian.[3]

Consonants

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Santa has 29 consonants:[4]

Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Plosive plain p t k q
aspirated
Fricative voiceless f s ʂ ɕ x h
voiced (ʐ) ʁ
Affricate plain (t͡s) t͡ʂ t͡ɕ
aspirated (t͡sʰ) t͡ʂʰ t͡ɕʰ
Nasal m n ŋ
Approximant w l j
Trill r

Vowels

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Dongxiang has 7 vowels.[4] Unlike other neighboring Mongolic languages, it has limited vowel harmony and no distinctions of vowel length.[3]

Front Central Back
plain rhotacised unrounded rounded
Close i ɯ u
Mid ə ɚ o
Open ɑ

Glides

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Although true diphthongal sequences (i.e. complex vowel combinations) do not exist in Santa, combinations with the vowels /u, ə, ɑ/ and the glides /j, w/ do.[18] The glides are phonetically realized as non-syllabic vowels [i̯, u̯] and the vowels have the following phonetic realizations below, regardless of any previous allophonic rules as mentioned above.[19]

Glide/vowel combinations[20]
Vowel + Glide Glide + Vowel Additional
/j/ /w/
/u/ /j/ /ju/
/w/
/ə/ /j/ /əj/ /jə/
/w/ /əw/ /wəj/
/ɑ/ /j/ /ɑj/ /jɑ/ /jɑw/
/w/ /ɑw/ /wɑ/ /wɑj/

Distinct phonetic vowel realizations (note that vowels in other environments take the cardinal form):

Phonotactics

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The general syllable template for Santa is (C)(G)V(G/N), where the brackets represent optional phonemes. C represents any consonant apart from /ŋ/ or a glide, G is one of the glides /j, w/, V is a vowel and G/N is either a glide or a nasal /n, ŋ/ (occasionally also /r/).[25] However, there are further constraints to this scheme:

Stress

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The majority of words in Santa are stressed on the final syllable. Examples include yawu /jɑˈwu/ (to walk), funiegvan /funjəˈʁɑŋ/ (fox) and agven /ɑˈʁəŋ/ (village). Stress also shifts to the suffix when added to a word: funiegvan-ni /funjəʁɑŋˈni/ (fox, genitive case), agven-de /ɑʁəŋˈdə/ (village, locative case).[29]

However, several exceptions to this rule exist:

In loanwords

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In Chinese loanwords, stress is not predictable; this is likely due to the tonal influence from the original pronunciation. However, these tones are based on the dialects of the Hui people rather than the standard dialect. Examples of non-final stress include hushi /ˈxuʂi/ (nurse; from 护士 hùshì), daozi /ˈdɑwt͡si/ (rice paddy; from 稻子 dàozi) and dadou /ˈdɑdəw/ (soybean; from 大豆 dàdòu). Minimal pairs, though uncommon, also exist. One example is shizi /ˈʂit͡si/ (persimmon; from 柿子 shìzi) and shizi /ʂiˈt͡si/ (lion; from 狮子 shīzi).[31]

There are a number of Arabic loanwords which also violate ultimate stress; these include aghili /ˈɑqili/ (wisdom; from عَقِيْل ʿaqīl), mehheri /ˈməhəri/ (dowry; from مَهْر⁩ mahr), ghalebu /qɑˈləbu/ (body, form; from قَالَب⁩ qālab), etc.[32]

Some words with unknown origin may also stress on other syllables, including tonghori /ˈtʰoŋqori/ (wild goose), dawala /ˈtɑwɑlɑ/ (urinary bladder) and bawa /ˈpɑwɑ/ (great-grandfather).[32]

Grammar

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Morphology

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Plural marking

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~oni,

sheep,

eoni-la

sheep(s)

~oni, eoni-la

sheep, sheep(s)

o~in,

girl,

o~in-sla

girls

o~in, o~in-sla

girl, girls

gajieiau

brother,

gajieiau-pi

brothers

gajieiau gajieiau-pi

brother, brothers

Cases

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Santa has 6 cases.[33]

Case Marker Example Meaning
Nominative -∅ morei holuwe the horse ran
Genitive-accusative -ni (-yi) bula-ni usu water of the spring
Dative-locative-benefactive -de ula-de khirei climb the mountain
Ablative-comparative -se udani hon-se gaowe better than last year
Comitative (joint case) -le chi ibura-le hhantu echi you go together with Ibura
Comitative (aspect case) -re bi chima-re sanane I want to settle accounts with you
Sociative-instrumental -gh(u)ala khidei-ghala kielie speak in Chinese
Locative-prosecutive -gvun moronghizha-gvun nie uzhe look along the river

Possessive

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Pronoun

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Word Note Meaning
morei-mini (also -miyi, -miy) my horse
morei-matanni (also -matayi, -matay) our (inclusive) horse
morei-bijienni (also -bijieyi, -bijiey) our (exclusive) horse
morei-chini (also -chiyis, -chiy) your horse
morei-tani (also -tayi, -tay) your (plural) horse
morei-ni him/her/their (any 3rd person pronoun) horse

Reflexive

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Particle Word Meaning
-ne chi gaga-ne uru you call your elder brother to come

Pronoun declension

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1st person

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Case Singular Plural
Exclusive Inclusive
Nominative bi / orun (quotation) bijien matan / oruntan (quotation)
Genitive-accusative mi-ni / nama-ni (namiyi) bijien-ni matan-ni / ma-ni
Dative-locative nama-de / ma-de bijien-de matan-de
Ablative-comparative nama-se / ma-se bijien-se matan-se
Comitative (joint case) nama-le / ma-le bijien-le matan-le
Sociative-instrumental bi-ghala bijien-ghala matan-ghala

2nd person

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Case Singular Plural
Nominative chi ta / tan
Genitive-accusative chi-ni ta-ni
Dative-locative chima-de tan-de
Ablative-comparative chima-se / cha-se tan-se
Comitative (joint case) chima-le tan-le
Sociative-instrumental chi-ghala ta-ghala

3rd person

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Case Singular Plural
Nominative hhe tere egven hhela terela egvenla
Genitive-accusative hhesila teresila egvesila
Dative-locative hhe-ni tere-ni egen-ni hhela-ni terela-ni egvenla-ni
Ablative-comparative hhe-nde tere-(n)de / ten-de egven-de hhela-de terela-de egvenla-de
Comitative (joint case) hhe-nse tere-(n)se egven-se hhela-se terela-se egvenla-se
Sociative-instrumental hhe-nle tere-le egven-le hhela-le terela-le egvenla-le
Sociative instrumental hhe-ghala tere-ghala egven-ghala hhela-ghala terela-ghala egvenla-ghala

Verb suffix

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Active verb

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Type category (mood or modality)
Case Particle Example Meaning
Imperative -ye matanghala yawu-ye let's go (dual)
-gie chini gien ghujingvan gaoda-gie may your illness heal quickly
Declarative -we bi uzhe-we I watched
Aspect category (manner or state of verb action)
Aspect Particle Example Meaning
Perfect -we bi bazade echi-we I have gone to Linxia
Imperfect -ne chi khala echi-ne where are you going?
Continuative -zhiwe (-zho) ana-miyi budan gie-zhiwe my mum is cooking

Voice category (relationship between action and its subject)

Voice Particle Example Meaning
Active voice -∅
Causative voice -gva bai-gva to establish
Cooperative voice -ndu jie-ndu to eat

Numeral: Singular has no suffix, plural suffix is -ndu, the same as Cooperative voice.

Numbers: Singular has no additional component, plural's additional component is -ndu, the same as the additional component for Cooperative voice.

Adverbial verb

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Adverb Particle Example Meaning
Coordinative adverbial verb -zhi shira-zhi ijie to roast and eat
Repetitive adverbial verb -n wila-n wila-n yawulawe walking while crying and crying
Purpose adverbial verb -le bi nie uzhe-le irewe I came to take a look
Separative adverbial verb -dene (-de) chi ijie-dene bi ijieye you eat first, then I'll eat
Conditional adverbial verb -se ghura bao-se bi ulie irene if it rains, I won't come
Choice, Limit adverbial verb -tala khara olu-tala wilie giewe work until it gets dark
Concessive adverbial verb -senu eqiemagva bosi-senu shu uzhezho read a book after getting up in the morning

Stative verb

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Tense Particle Example Meaning
Past -san (-sen) ene baodei bolu-sanwe this wheat is ripe
Future -ku / -wu echi-ku mo gholowe the road that needs to be taken is long
Present -chin enende sao-chin kun wainu uwe is there anyone living here?

Existential verbs bi and wi

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bi wi
Active verb wai-ne wi-we
Stative verb Past stative verb bi-san wi-san
Future stative verb bi-ku wi-ku
Present stative verb bi-chin wi-chin
Adverbial verb Coordinative adverbial verb bi-zhi wi-zhi
Separative adverbial verb bi-dene wi-dene
Conditional adverbial verb bi-se wi-se
Choice, Limit adverbial verb bi-tala wi-tala
Concessive adverbial verb bi-senu wi-senu
Tense Particle Example Meaning
Speculative bi-mu hhen-de baer bi-mu he might be rich
Recollective bi-lai hhe nasun giedun bi-lai bi matawe I forgot how old he is

Syntax

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In common with other Mongolic languages, Dongxiang is spoken as an SOV language. In Linxia, however, under the influence of the Mandarin Chinese dialects spoken by the neighbouring Hui people, sentences of the SVO type have also been observed.[34]

Writing system

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Knowledge of Arabic is widespread among the Sarta and as a result, they often use the Arabic script to write down their language informally (cf. the Xiao'erjing system that was used by Hui people); however, this has been little investigated by scholars. As of 2003, the official Latin alphabet for Dongxiang, developed on the basis of the Monguor alphabet, remained in the experimental stage:[35]

Consonants
Letter IPA Letter IPA Letter IPA
b /p/ g /k/ x /ɕ/
p /pʰ/ k /kʰ/ zh /t͡ʂ/
m /m/ gh /q/ ch /t͡ʂʰ/
f /f/ kh /qʰ/ sh /ʂ/
d /t/ h /x/ z /t͡s/
t /tʰ/ gv /ʁ/ c /t͡sʰ/
n /n, ŋ/[a] hh /h/ s /s/
l /l/ j /t͡ɕ/ w /w/
r /r, ʐ/[b] q /t͡ɕʰ/ y /j/
  1. ^ Syllable final, n is pronounced as /n/ before ⟨e⟩ and ⟨i⟩, and /ŋ/ before ⟨a⟩, ⟨o⟩ and ⟨u⟩. Syllable initial is always /n/.
  2. ^ r is pronounced as /ʐ/ in Chinese and Arabic loanwords.
Vowels
Letter IPA Letter IPA Letter IPA
a /ɑ/ u /u/ ie /jə/
e /ə/ ai /ɑj/ iu /ju/
er /ɚ/ ei /əj/ ua /wɑ/
i[a] /i/ ao /ɑw/ ui /wəj/
ii /ɯ/ ou /əw/ iao /jɑw/
o /o/ ia /jɑ/ uai /wɑj/
  1. ^ When the preceding consonant is gh, kh, h or gv, this vowel is pronounced the same as ii.

Numerals

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Numeral Dongxiang IPA Classical Mongolian
1 nie /njə/ nigen
2 ghua /qwɑ/ qoyar
3 ghuran /quˈrɑŋ/ ghurban
4 jieron /t͡ɕjəˈroŋ/ dörben
5 tawun /tʰaˈwuŋ/ tabun
6 dzigvon /t͡ʂiˈʁoŋ/ jirghughan
7 dolon /toˈloŋ/ dologhan
8 naiman /nɑjˈmɑŋ/ naiman
9 yesun /jəˈsuŋ/ yisün
10 hharan /hɑˈrɑŋ/ arban

Some numbers in Dongxiang have been heavily influenced by Mandarin. These include 30 (sanshi) and 40 (sishi). Meanwhile, both khorun /qʰoˈruŋ/ and ershi /ˈɚʂi/ are used for 20.

The Tangwang language

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There are about 20,000 people in the north-eastern part Dongxiang County, who self-identify as Dongxiang or Hui people who do not speak Dongxiang, but natively speak a Dongxiang-influenced form of Mandarin Chinese. The linguist Mei W. Lee-Smith calls this the "Tangwang language" (Chinese: 唐汪话), based on the names of the two largest villages (Tangjia and Wangjia, parts of Tangwang Town) where it is spoken and argues it is a creolized language.[36] According to Lee-Smith, the Tangwang language uses mostly Mandarin words and morphemes with Dongxiang grammar. Besides Dongxiang loanwords, Tangwang also has a substantial number of Arabic and Persian loanwords.[36]

Like Standard Mandarin, Tangwang is a tonal language, but grammatical particles, which are typically borrowed from Mandarin, but are used in the way Dongxiang morphemes would be used in Dongxiang, do not carry tones.[36]

For example, while the Mandarin plural suffix -men (们) has only very restricted usage (it can be used with personal pronouns and some nouns related to people), Tangwang uses it, in the form -m, universally, the way Dongxiang would use its plural suffix -la. Mandarin pronoun ni (你) can be used in Tangwang as a possessive suffix (meaning "your"). Unlike Mandarin, but like Dongxiang, Tangwang has grammatical cases as well (however only four of them, unlike eight in Dongxiang).[36]

References

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  1. ^ Bao (2006).
  2. ^ Santa at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
  3. ^ a b Field (1997), pp. 155–6.
  4. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 37.
  5. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 38.
  6. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 47.
  7. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 46.
  8. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 48.
  9. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 50.
  10. ^ Field (1997), p. 43.
  11. ^ Field (1997), pp. 39, 51.
  12. ^ Field (1997), p. 39.
  13. ^ Field (1997), p. 51.
  14. ^ Field (1997), p. 52.
  15. ^ a b c d Field (1997), p. 45.
  16. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 53.
  17. ^ Field (1997), pp. 43, 54.
  18. ^ Field (1997), p. 54.
  19. ^ Field (1997), pp. 55–57.
  20. ^ Field (1997), pp. 54–57.
  21. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 55.
  22. ^ Field (1997), p. 56.
  23. ^ Field (1997), pp. 53, 55.
  24. ^ Field (1997), p. 55, 56.
  25. ^ Field (1997), p. 59.
  26. ^ a b c d Field (1997), p. 61.
  27. ^ Field (1997), pp. 39–40.
  28. ^ Field (1997), p. 40.
  29. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 151.
  30. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 152.
  31. ^ Field (1997), p. 154.
  32. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 153.
  33. ^ Kim (2003), p. 354.
  34. ^ Bao (2006), 1.1: 东乡语的语序特点.
  35. ^ Kim (2003), p. 348.
  36. ^ a b c d Lee-Smith (1996).

Bibliography

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  • Bao, Saren (包萨仁) (2006), 从语言接触看东乡语和临夏话的语序变化 [Sequential Changes in Dongxiang Language and Linxia Dialects from the View of Linguistic Contact], Journal of the Second Northwest University for Nationalities (Social Science Edition) (2), ISSN 1008-2883, archived from the original on 2011-07-13
  • Cheng, Joyce (2013-05-10), "Dongxiang – people of the northwest", GBTIMES, archived from the original on 2016-04-28
  • Field, Kenneth Lynn (1997), A grammatical overview of Santa Mongolian (PDF), PhD dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara
  • Kim, Stephen S. (2003), "Santa", in Janhunen, Juha (ed.), The Mongolic Languages, Routledge Language Family Series, pp. 346–363, ISBN 978-0-203-98791-9
  • Lee-Smith, Mei W.; International Council for Philosophy and Humanistic Studies (1996), "The Tangwang language", in Wurm, Stephen A.; Mühlhäusler, Peter; Tyron, Darrell T. (eds.), Atlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas, Volume 2, Part 1. (Volume 13 of Trends in Linguistics, Documentation Series)., Walter de Gruyter, pp. 875–882, ISBN 978-3-11-013417-9
  • People's Daily (2012-08-08), Chinese Ethnic Groups:东乡族(Dōngxiāng zú )The Dongxiang ethnic minority, retrieved 2016-02-12

Further reading

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  • Baker, Craig (April 2000), The Dongxiang Language and People (PDF), retrieved 2016-02-12[dead link]
  • Chuluu, Üjiyediin (Chaolu Wu) (November 1994), Introduction, Grammar, and Sample Sentences for Dongxiang (PDF), SINO-PLATONIC, Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania
  • Jorigt, G.; Stuart, Kevin (1998), "Problems Concerning Mongolian Case", Central Asiatic Journal, 42 (1), Harrassowitz Verlag: 110–122, JSTOR 41928140
  • Ma, Guozhong (马国忠) (2001), 东乡语汉语词典 [Dongxiang-Chinese Dictionary], Lanzhou: Gansu Nationalities Publishing House (甘肃民族出版社), ISBN 978-7-5421-0767-1
  • Wei, Li Xue; Stuart, Kevin (1989), "Population and Culture of the Mongols, Tu, Baoan, Dongxiang, and Yugu in Gansu", Mongolian Studies, 12 (The Owen Lattimore Memorial Issue), Mongolia Society: 71–93, JSTOR 43194234
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